2016
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Vougioukli, Anthi Θρακικά τοπωνύμια, ανθρωπωνύμια και λατρευτικά έθιμα στα Αίτια του Καλλιμάχου (Journal Article) Περί Θράκης, 7 , pp. 11-30, 2016. (Abstract | BibTeX) @article{Vougioukli2016,
title = {Θρακικά τοπωνύμια, ανθρωπωνύμια και λατρευτικά έθιμα στα Αίτια του Καλλιμάχου},
author = {Anthi Vougioukli},
year = {2016},
date = {2016-01-01},
journal = {Περί Θράκης},
volume = {7},
pages = {11-30},
abstract = {The present paper is focused on the interplay of geography and politics in the most influential, yet fragmentary, poem of Callimachus Cyrenaeus, the Aetia. In the first place, we discuss the geographical as well as mythological references that relate to Thrace, its myths, deities, kings or culture. Next, we proceed to their interpretation with regard to the political agenda of Callimachus’ patrons, the Ptolemies, in the northern Aegean and the coastline of Thrace. We adopt geopoetics as our research methodology, that is, the theoretical model that interconnects geographical space and mythological time in classical literature with its contemporary political and historical events. We compare the references to Thrace in the first part of the Aetia (books one and two) with those in the second part (books 3 and 4) applying quantitative as well as qualitative criteria. We ascertain that there is a distinctive differentiation between the two parts of the work, a fact that corroborates the well-established thesis of contemporary researchers that they were written during the reign of and dedicated to two successive queens of Egypt, Arsinoe II, wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and Berenice II, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, and were edited later as a comprehensive work around 245 B.C. In order to evaluate the political relevance of the geographical and mythological references to Thrace in the Aetia, we trace back to the historical events of the period. We conclude that the Thracian coastline was part of a broader colonial network of cities that the Ptolemies aspired to establish in the basin of the eastern Mediterranean. Respectively, we claim that the geographical references to Thrace in the Aetia are intergraded in Callimachus’ broader poetical project to enhance the profile of his patrons and legitimize their presence in Thrace, especially after the third Syrian War (246-241 B.C.).},
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pubstate = {published},
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The present paper is focused on the interplay of geography and politics in the most influential, yet fragmentary, poem of Callimachus Cyrenaeus, the Aetia. In the first place, we discuss the geographical as well as mythological references that relate to Thrace, its myths, deities, kings or culture. Next, we proceed to their interpretation with regard to the political agenda of Callimachus’ patrons, the Ptolemies, in the northern Aegean and the coastline of Thrace. We adopt geopoetics as our research methodology, that is, the theoretical model that interconnects geographical space and mythological time in classical literature with its contemporary political and historical events. We compare the references to Thrace in the first part of the Aetia (books one and two) with those in the second part (books 3 and 4) applying quantitative as well as qualitative criteria. We ascertain that there is a distinctive differentiation between the two parts of the work, a fact that corroborates the well-established thesis of contemporary researchers that they were written during the reign of and dedicated to two successive queens of Egypt, Arsinoe II, wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and Berenice II, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, and were edited later as a comprehensive work around 245 B.C. In order to evaluate the political relevance of the geographical and mythological references to Thrace in the Aetia, we trace back to the historical events of the period. We conclude that the Thracian coastline was part of a broader colonial network of cities that the Ptolemies aspired to establish in the basin of the eastern Mediterranean. Respectively, we claim that the geographical references to Thrace in the Aetia are intergraded in Callimachus’ broader poetical project to enhance the profile of his patrons and legitimize their presence in Thrace, especially after the third Syrian War (246-241 B.C.). |
2014
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Vougioukli, Anthi Πάρεργον ιπποτέκτονος: Professed "failure" or a Ptolemaic success story? (Conference) AMPAL 2014: Failure in Ancient Literaturre, Faculty of Classics, Cambridge University Cambridge, UK, 2014. (Abstract | BibTeX) @conference{Vougioukli2014,
title = {Πάρεργον ιπποτέκτονος: Professed "failure" or a Ptolemaic success story?},
author = {Anthi Vougioukli},
year = {2014},
date = {2014-09-01},
booktitle = {AMPAL 2014: Failure in Ancient Literaturre},
address = {Cambridge, UK},
organization = {Faculty of Classics, Cambridge University},
abstract = {In the seventh Iambus by Callimachus, Hermes Perferaios, a talking wooden carved figure that was washed ashore at the Thracian city of Ainos, professes to be a πάρεργον, the product of his sculptor’s pastime. Its “failure” in terms of craftsmanship is underlined by the implicit comparison to the Trojan horse, since the sculptor is not mentioned by his name, Epeius, but by his attribute: ἱπποτέκτων (creator of the horse). Assuming that the book of Iambi consisted of thirteen poems that Callimachus himself arranged to be read as a poetic complex, Hermes’ failure is further underscored by the implicit juxtaposition with the legendary sculpture of Olympian Zeus by Pheidias, the elaborate ekphrasis of which we are furnished with in the Iambus that immediately precedes the seventh. Not only is the sculpture of Hermes diminished as an artifact by both the first person narrator and the author himself, but even its creator is attributed with the derogatory characteristic of φυγαίχμα (deserter) and put in the disparaging position of the failed epic hero. The poem eventually failed to be preserved and it is only available to modern readers in a fragmentary state; however, this was likely not just a coincidental failure but rather a result of the wholesale failure of the book of Iambi to compete with more “canonical” genres of high poetry, such as the Hymns.},
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In the seventh Iambus by Callimachus, Hermes Perferaios, a talking wooden carved figure that was washed ashore at the Thracian city of Ainos, professes to be a πάρεργον, the product of his sculptor’s pastime. Its “failure” in terms of craftsmanship is underlined by the implicit comparison to the Trojan horse, since the sculptor is not mentioned by his name, Epeius, but by his attribute: ἱπποτέκτων (creator of the horse). Assuming that the book of Iambi consisted of thirteen poems that Callimachus himself arranged to be read as a poetic complex, Hermes’ failure is further underscored by the implicit juxtaposition with the legendary sculpture of Olympian Zeus by Pheidias, the elaborate ekphrasis of which we are furnished with in the Iambus that immediately precedes the seventh. Not only is the sculpture of Hermes diminished as an artifact by both the first person narrator and the author himself, but even its creator is attributed with the derogatory characteristic of φυγαίχμα (deserter) and put in the disparaging position of the failed epic hero. The poem eventually failed to be preserved and it is only available to modern readers in a fragmentary state; however, this was likely not just a coincidental failure but rather a result of the wholesale failure of the book of Iambi to compete with more “canonical” genres of high poetry, such as the Hymns. |
Vougioukli, Anthi Ποιητική και Πολιτική της Γεωγραφίας. Χαρτογραφώντας Ελληνιστικούς Ποιητές (PhD Thesis) Democritus University of Thrace, 2014. (Abstract | Links | BibTeX) @phdthesis{Vougioukli2014b,
title = {Ποιητική και Πολιτική της Γεωγραφίας. Χαρτογραφώντας Ελληνιστικούς Ποιητές},
author = {Anthi Vougioukli},
url = {https://auth.academia.edu/AnthiVougioukli},
year = {2014},
date = {2014-01-01},
address = {Komotini, Greece},
school = {Democritus University of Thrace},
abstract = {This Phd thesis is focused on the collection and interpretation of geographical references that relate to Thrace, its myths, deities, kings or culture, in the work of third century Alexandrian poets, such as Callimachus, Theocritus, Apollonius Rhodius, Posidippus and Phanocles. Our research methodology is firstly to collect and secondly to inscribe those references to their historical, cultural and political milieu, so that we interpret them with regard to the community of immigrant Greeks in Alexandria as well as the political agenda of those poets’ patrons, i.e. the Ptolemies. In the light of New Historicism, the critical approach according to which literature is one among other symbolic practices that both reflect and construct their culture, we highlight the fact that Thrace was deemed by the poetae novi of Alexandria to be a poetic symbol of anything barbaric, bombastic epic poetry of their time included. Respectively, we claim that the references to real and mythological geography of Thrace are intergraded in those Alexandrian poets’ broader poetical project to enhance the dynastic profile of their kings and queens and legitimize their presence in Thrace. Finally, we conclude that the Thracian coastline from Chalkidiki to Bithynia was part of a broader colonial network of cities that the Ptolemies aspired to establish in the basin of the eastern Mediterranean during the time that spans from the first to the third Syrian Wars that were conducted by the second and third Ptolemies.},
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This Phd thesis is focused on the collection and interpretation of geographical references that relate to Thrace, its myths, deities, kings or culture, in the work of third century Alexandrian poets, such as Callimachus, Theocritus, Apollonius Rhodius, Posidippus and Phanocles. Our research methodology is firstly to collect and secondly to inscribe those references to their historical, cultural and political milieu, so that we interpret them with regard to the community of immigrant Greeks in Alexandria as well as the political agenda of those poets’ patrons, i.e. the Ptolemies. In the light of New Historicism, the critical approach according to which literature is one among other symbolic practices that both reflect and construct their culture, we highlight the fact that Thrace was deemed by the poetae novi of Alexandria to be a poetic symbol of anything barbaric, bombastic epic poetry of their time included. Respectively, we claim that the references to real and mythological geography of Thrace are intergraded in those Alexandrian poets’ broader poetical project to enhance the dynastic profile of their kings and queens and legitimize their presence in Thrace. Finally, we conclude that the Thracian coastline from Chalkidiki to Bithynia was part of a broader colonial network of cities that the Ptolemies aspired to establish in the basin of the eastern Mediterranean during the time that spans from the first to the third Syrian Wars that were conducted by the second and third Ptolemies. |
2013
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Vougioukli, Anthi Η παρουσία της Θράκης στον Καλλίμαχο: Ποιητική και πολιτική (Conference) Πρακτικά του 7ου Συνεδρίου Μεταπτυχιακών και Υποψηφίων Διδακτόρων Εθνικού και Καποδιστριακού Πανεπιστημίου, A , Faculty of Philology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Αθήνα, 2013. (Abstract | BibTeX) @conference{Vougioukli2013,
title = {Η παρουσία της Θράκης στον Καλλίμαχο: Ποιητική και πολιτική},
author = {Anthi Vougioukli},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-00-01},
booktitle = {Πρακτικά του 7ου Συνεδρίου Μεταπτυχιακών και Υποψηφίων Διδακτόρων Εθνικού και Καποδιστριακού Πανεπιστημίου},
volume = {A},
pages = {326-335},
address = {Αθήνα},
organization = {Faculty of Philology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens},
abstract = {Η γεωγραφική πανσπερμία αποτελεί ένα αδιαμφισβήτητο χαρακτηριστικό της ποίησης της ελληνιστικής περιόδου. Ο σύγχρονος μελετητής των ποιημάτων αυτής της, συχνά παρεξηγημένης και εν πολλοίς σκοτεινής για εμάς, ιστορικής περιόδου βρίσκεται μπροστά σε στίχους που βρίθουν τοπωνυμίων, συχνά εξεζητημένων γεωγραφικών και μυθολογικών αναφορών. Η σαφής αυτή τάση πολλών ποιητών της ελληνιστικής περιόδου προβάλλει ακόμη πιο ανάγλυφα στο έργο του Καλλίμαχου του Κυρηναίου, του κατεξοχήν poeta doctus της Αλεξάνδρειας. Ο σκοπός του παρόντος άρθρου είναι διττός: αφενός συγκεντρώνουμε τις σημαντικότερες γεωγραφικές αναφορές που σχετίζονται με τη Θράκη στο έργο του Καλλιμάχου, με έμφαση στα Αἴτια, τους Ἰάμβους και τους Ὓμνους, και αφετέρου επιχειρούμε να τις ερμηνεύσουμε, στο βαθμό που αυτό είναι εφικτό, εγγράφοντάς τες στο ιστορικό, πολιτισμικό και πολιτικό τους πλαίσιο, την αυλή, δηλαδή, των Πτολεμαίων καθώς και την ευάριθμη κοινότητα εκπατρισμένων Ελλήνων πρώτης, δεύτερης και τρίτης γενιάς του ελληνιστικού βασιλείου της Αιγύπτου. Ερευνώντας τα ιστορικά δεδομένα της Αιγύπτου των τριών πρώτων Πτολεμαίων κατά τον τρίτο αι. π.Χ. καθώς και αρχαιολογικά δεδομένα, θα υποστηρίξουμε τεκμηριωμένα τη θέση μας: η Θράκη με τα τοπωνύμια και τους μυθικούς ήρωές της αναφέρεται στο έργο του Καλλιμάχου όχι τυχαία, αλλά με στόχο την εξυπηρέτηση των πολιτικών και πολιτισμικών επιδιώξεων των ευεργετών του. Συγκεκριμένα, οι αναφορές στη Θράκη έχουν άμεση συνάφεια με την επεκτατική πολιτική των Πτολεμαίων στις παραθαλάσσιες περιοχές του Βόρειου Αιγαίου και της Θράκης, όπως μαρτυρείται άλλωστε και από ιστορικούς της ελληνιστικής εποχής, όπως ο Πολύβιος. Ο Καλλίμαχος, όπως και άλλοι «αυλικοί» ποιητές της περιόδου, αναλάμβαναν να προπαγανδίσουν τεχνηέντως, μετουσιώνοντας την ποιητικά, την πολιτική ατζέντα των πατρόνων τους. Θα αναδείξουμε, τέλος, ότι οι αναφορές στη Θράκη στα συγκεκριμένα ποιητικά αποσπάσματα εντάσσονται στο γενικότερο πλαίσιο των πληθωριστικών γεωγραφικών αναφορών που ανασυστήνουν ποιητικά όλο τον τότε γνωστό κόσμο της ανατολικής Μεσογείου, με κέντρο την Αλεξάνδρεια και περιφέρεια την ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα, τα νησιά του Αιγαίου και τα μικρασιατικά παράλια, ώστε να δημιουργηθεί ποιητικά η αίσθηση μιας οικουμενικής πολιτικής και πολιτισμικής ταυτότητας ή μιας νέας, επινοημένης ελληνικότητας, την οποία απολαμβάνουν οι υπήκοοι των Πτολεμαίων.},
keywords = {},
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Η γεωγραφική πανσπερμία αποτελεί ένα αδιαμφισβήτητο χαρακτηριστικό της ποίησης της ελληνιστικής περιόδου. Ο σύγχρονος μελετητής των ποιημάτων αυτής της, συχνά παρεξηγημένης και εν πολλοίς σκοτεινής για εμάς, ιστορικής περιόδου βρίσκεται μπροστά σε στίχους που βρίθουν τοπωνυμίων, συχνά εξεζητημένων γεωγραφικών και μυθολογικών αναφορών. Η σαφής αυτή τάση πολλών ποιητών της ελληνιστικής περιόδου προβάλλει ακόμη πιο ανάγλυφα στο έργο του Καλλίμαχου του Κυρηναίου, του κατεξοχήν poeta doctus της Αλεξάνδρειας. Ο σκοπός του παρόντος άρθρου είναι διττός: αφενός συγκεντρώνουμε τις σημαντικότερες γεωγραφικές αναφορές που σχετίζονται με τη Θράκη στο έργο του Καλλιμάχου, με έμφαση στα Αἴτια, τους Ἰάμβους και τους Ὓμνους, και αφετέρου επιχειρούμε να τις ερμηνεύσουμε, στο βαθμό που αυτό είναι εφικτό, εγγράφοντάς τες στο ιστορικό, πολιτισμικό και πολιτικό τους πλαίσιο, την αυλή, δηλαδή, των Πτολεμαίων καθώς και την ευάριθμη κοινότητα εκπατρισμένων Ελλήνων πρώτης, δεύτερης και τρίτης γενιάς του ελληνιστικού βασιλείου της Αιγύπτου. Ερευνώντας τα ιστορικά δεδομένα της Αιγύπτου των τριών πρώτων Πτολεμαίων κατά τον τρίτο αι. π.Χ. καθώς και αρχαιολογικά δεδομένα, θα υποστηρίξουμε τεκμηριωμένα τη θέση μας: η Θράκη με τα τοπωνύμια και τους μυθικούς ήρωές της αναφέρεται στο έργο του Καλλιμάχου όχι τυχαία, αλλά με στόχο την εξυπηρέτηση των πολιτικών και πολιτισμικών επιδιώξεων των ευεργετών του. Συγκεκριμένα, οι αναφορές στη Θράκη έχουν άμεση συνάφεια με την επεκτατική πολιτική των Πτολεμαίων στις παραθαλάσσιες περιοχές του Βόρειου Αιγαίου και της Θράκης, όπως μαρτυρείται άλλωστε και από ιστορικούς της ελληνιστικής εποχής, όπως ο Πολύβιος. Ο Καλλίμαχος, όπως και άλλοι «αυλικοί» ποιητές της περιόδου, αναλάμβαναν να προπαγανδίσουν τεχνηέντως, μετουσιώνοντας την ποιητικά, την πολιτική ατζέντα των πατρόνων τους. Θα αναδείξουμε, τέλος, ότι οι αναφορές στη Θράκη στα συγκεκριμένα ποιητικά αποσπάσματα εντάσσονται στο γενικότερο πλαίσιο των πληθωριστικών γεωγραφικών αναφορών που ανασυστήνουν ποιητικά όλο τον τότε γνωστό κόσμο της ανατολικής Μεσογείου, με κέντρο την Αλεξάνδρεια και περιφέρεια την ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα, τα νησιά του Αιγαίου και τα μικρασιατικά παράλια, ώστε να δημιουργηθεί ποιητικά η αίσθηση μιας οικουμενικής πολιτικής και πολιτισμικής ταυτότητας ή μιας νέας, επινοημένης ελληνικότητας, την οποία απολαμβάνουν οι υπήκοοι των Πτολεμαίων. |
2000
|
Vougioukli, Anthi Fair Maids, Witches and Brave Men: the Construction of Gender in the Byzantine Novel (Masters Thesis) State University of New York (SUNY), Stony Brook, 2000. (Abstract | BibTeX) @mastersthesis{Vougioukli2000,
title = {Fair Maids, Witches and Brave Men: the Construction of Gender in the Byzantine Novel},
author = {Anthi Vougioukli},
year = {2000},
date = {2000-01-01},
school = {State University of New York (SUNY), Stony Brook},
abstract = {The Thesis is concerned with the representation of women in eight Byzantine novels written in a period ranging from the twelfth to early fifteenth centuries. Focusing on the language, tropes, characterization and stereotypes of the texts, we map out the ideological construction of gendered identities examining relationally the representation of men and women alike. We use gender as a research tool, in order to register the coding of femininity and argue that, although those novels reproduced the structural oppositions of Byzantine patriarchal discourse, in terms of which women were defined as the “other”, they also deconstructed them as they provided a new literary paradigm for the representation of female gender. Subsequently, I situate the novels’ gendered discourse within a nexus of other discourses, judicial, medical, religious or philosophical, which constituted the dominant regime of truth in the specific historical moment, in order to speculate about whether, how and to which extent real historical subjects’ gender identities and lived reality were constituted by these representations.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {mastersthesis}
}
The Thesis is concerned with the representation of women in eight Byzantine novels written in a period ranging from the twelfth to early fifteenth centuries. Focusing on the language, tropes, characterization and stereotypes of the texts, we map out the ideological construction of gendered identities examining relationally the representation of men and women alike. We use gender as a research tool, in order to register the coding of femininity and argue that, although those novels reproduced the structural oppositions of Byzantine patriarchal discourse, in terms of which women were defined as the “other”, they also deconstructed them as they provided a new literary paradigm for the representation of female gender. Subsequently, I situate the novels’ gendered discourse within a nexus of other discourses, judicial, medical, religious or philosophical, which constituted the dominant regime of truth in the specific historical moment, in order to speculate about whether, how and to which extent real historical subjects’ gender identities and lived reality were constituted by these representations. |
